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Fraud Exprosed Whot you Dont Could Cost your company millions - Joseph W.

Joseph W. Fraud Exprosed Whot you Dont Could Cost your company millions - Wiley Publishing, 2003. - 289 p.
ISBN: 0-471-27475-5
Download (direct link): fraudexposedwhatyoudont2003.pdf
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RETHINKING THE ASSUMPTIONS
• A violent robber would not have shot a customer if that person did not “choose” to enter the store at the wrong time.
• Since bullets were “flying everywhere” during a driveby shooting, it was just unfortunate that an innocent person happened to get shot.
• An auto thief only stole expensive cars, since the owners could obviously afford the loss, but avoided the vehicles of poor people.
• A sexual predator admitted making rude and vulgar remarks and displays to women, but prided himself on the fact that he never actually physically assaulted them.
From such stories, there may be validity to the “trickle down” theory of explanation for behavior that “really wasn’t my fault.”
Kelling, in the course of his interview, sets forth the basis from which his original concept sprung, research he conducted in Newark, New Jersey:
I learned about the idea of order maintenance by watching foot patrol officers in Newark, N.J. negotiate a standard behavior for street persons that they and the community could live with. That is, they would remind people, warn people, occasionally arrest people, but nothing much would happen to the arrests or follow-through because prosecutors weren’t interested in minor offenses or in dealing with the troubled population that oftentimes is involved in disorderly behavior. So, I think the biggest change is that, starting in the late 1980’s, police departments started to conduct order maintenance officially, and that lead in turn to changes in prosecutions because, if police were going to handle disorderly behavior officially and process the cases, prosecutors had to start taking it seriously as well. All of which, I think, suggests that police and prosecutors are listening more carefully to the demands of citizens for order.29
In approaching “broken windows” or quality-of-life issues, Kelling seems to rely on two separate, but interconnected, themes. The first, as we have seen with other approaches, is a sense of partnership. It is partnership with the community, but partnership also with other municipal services and agencies, in recognition of the fact that badges and handcuffs are not necessarily the answer to every civic problem. It is also a recognition that many lesser crimes can produce the environment conducive to the commission of many greater crimes.30 The armed robbery of a store affects a relatively few people very much, but the aggressive panhandler or public drunk may affect hundreds or thousands of people to a lesser degree. Common sense and experience tell us that crime is more likely in the red light district than on the parish grounds.
“Broken windows” is not an attempt to turn the entire city into the parish grounds, although a few commentators have bemoaned the fact that Mayor
FRAUD EXPOSED
Rudolph Giuliani’s cleanup of Times Square has caused it to lose its character and zest. Usually, they compare the new Times Square, long a haven of bars, prostitutes, and strip joints, to a sort of midtown Manhattan Disneyland, suitable for family entertainment, but bland. A counterpoint is offered, however, by the observation that the new Times Square now draws 30 million tourists a year.31
The objective, following Kelling, is an attempt to prevent deterioration to the point that higher crime rates will almost surely follow. As he puts it, it is an attempt that “should lead to high levels of police activities, but decreasing numbers of arrests. That is, once it becomes clear that certain behaviors are no longer tolerated, arrests should go down.”32. It is important to understand how Kelling views arrest rates in a “broken windows” strategy environment. He supports a higher number of arrests for lesser offenses, if that ultimately means a lower number of arrests for serious offenses, to make the point that the police and the community have decided that certain types of behavior are unacceptable. Or, as he puts it, “So if it means we’re going to be jailing more people for short times, but in the long haul we’re not going to be imprisoning people for long periods of time, I’ll live with that.”33
Kelling also addresses issues of organizational continuity, which he believes are highly important to the effective implementation of any crime reduction strategy. This, he believes, can be a problem, particularly in cities and departments with a history of somewhat rapid turnover at the top. He notes, for example, that the average tenure of a New York Police Commissioner is usually about two and one-half years. Those programs that have survived turnover in New York and elsewhere are usually the result of a long-tenured executive or the grounding of the program so effectively into the culture of the department and the community that it is resistant to change at the top.34
The final development in the resurgence of the effectiveness of American policing involves not only a theory, but also our old friend, the computer. Police departments, particularly big city police departments, can have thousands, perhaps tens of thousands, of officers, plus administrative and support personnel. They are small communities with their own histories, cultures, and ways of doing things. While they can be highly resistant to change, they can also be remarkably difficult to maneuver. They have been likened, in this regard, to aircraft carriers.35 Part of the Compstat process, at least in New York City, involved that Department “reinventing itself as speedy, maneuverable ‘task force’ of dozens of smaller ‘ships’—precincts and other field units which, acting as a coordinated whole, have realized the seemingly impossible dream of reducing crime in the Big Apple to a degree nothing short of eye-popping.”36
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